{"id":34383,"date":"2019-09-04T13:31:35","date_gmt":"2019-09-04T12:31:35","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/nationalwire.com.ng\/?p=34383"},"modified":"2019-09-04T13:31:35","modified_gmt":"2019-09-04T12:31:35","slug":"founder-of-pid-had-history-of-projects-that-ended-in-lawsuits-corruption-allegations-bloomberg-report-reveals","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nationalwire.com.ng\/sub\/founder-of-pid-had-history-of-projects-that-ended-in-lawsuits-corruption-allegations-bloomberg-report-reveals\/","title":{"rendered":"Founder Of P&ID Had History Of Projects That Ended In Lawsuits, Corruption Allegations, Bloomberg Report Reveals"},"content":{"rendered":"

*Charged with espionage in 2006<\/strong><\/p>\n

*How music manager who became oil dealer befriended Nigerians in corridors of power<\/strong><\/p>\n

Michael \u201cMick\u201d Quinn, founder of Process and Industrial Developments Ltd \u2013 an Irish firm which secured a $9.6 billion judgement debt against Nigeria, had a history of projects that ended in disappointment, lawsuits, and corruption allegations, a Bloomberg report has revealed.<\/p>\n

The Bloomberg report titled \u2018Is One of the World\u2019s Biggest Lawsuits Built on a Sham?\u2019 published on Wednesday, September 4, said the case involving Nigeria \u201cwas just the largest\u2014the one that was supposed to provide his biggest payday.\u201d<\/p>\n

The report which was based on a close examination of his career, drawn from public records, leaked documents, and interviews with friends and former associates, showed that Quinn who died of cancer in 2015 had a record of projects that ended in in disappointment, lawsuits, and corruption allegations.<\/p>\n

A commercial court in the UK had ruled that Nigeria must pay an Irish firm, Process and Industrial Development Limited (P&ID), a sum of $9.6 billion or have its assets to the tune of that amount forfeited.<\/p>\n

The judgment arose from a 2010 contract Nigeria signed with P&ID, to the intent that the Irish company would build a gas processing plant to refine natural gas (wet gas) into lean gas that Nigeria would receive free of charge to power its national grid.<\/p>\n

The agreement however suffered a setback in 2013 and P&ID won a $6.6bn arbitration case against Nigeria.<\/p>\n

Last week, a UK court ruled that Nigeria must pay the firm $9.6bn or have its assets to the tune of that amount seized by the firm. The federal government has said it would appeal the UK court judgment.<\/p>\n

Suggesting that the project was a sham ab initio, a quote in the Bloomberg report said: \u201cA dying Irishman went for one last big score in Nigeria. The project failed, but a London tribunal says his company\u2019s owed $9 billion and counting.\u201d<\/p>\n

Detailing the genesis of the failed project, the report said:<\/p>\n

\u201cIn 2008 the Nigerian government said it would end flaring by using oilfield gas to generate electricity. The minister of petroleum resources acknowledged that the challenge would be \u201cenormous.\u201d Converting gas requires it to be captured, transported, refined, and piped back to power plants and onto the grid.<\/p>\n

\u201cOfficials struggled to persuade big multinationals to invest in the required infrastructure, so concessions were granted to 13 smaller companies, some virtually unknown. One was Process and Industrial Developments Ltd., or P&ID, which was registered in the British Virgin Islands but had no website or track record. Its chairman was Michael \u201cMick\u201d Quinn, a 68-year-old Irishman with a rakish mustache and decades of experience in Nigeria, mostly as a military contractor.<\/p>\n

\u201cQuinn knew powerful people, including the petroleum minister, who guaranteed P&ID a 20-year supply of \u201cwet,\u201d or unrefined, gas for a plant the company would build. The raw material would be supplied for free, to be treated and returned at no cost. P&ID would instead profit from the byproducts, butane and propane. Everyone stood to benefit, not least the villagers whose homes would be lit by electricity rather than the wan glow of flaming methane.<\/p>\n

\u201cThen the plan fell apart. The government failed to secure any waste gas from oil companies, let alone link up the necessary pipeline, and the plant was never built. In 2012, P&ID notified the oil ministry that it was suing for breach of contract in a London arbitration forum. After a set of closed legal proceedings, judges awarded P&ID $6.6 billion, one of the biggest amounts a company has won from a sovereign state. When Nigeria dragged its feet on payment, P&ID teamed up with a hedge fund and moved the case to public courts, where it could ask judges to seize state assets, including bank accounts and cargo ships.\u201d<\/p>\n

It also revealed that in the summer of 2018, a man who had worked for Quinn contacted Joseph Pizzurro, a veteran New York lawyer hired by Nigeria to lead its defence in United States, seeking to talk about the P&ID case.<\/p>\n

The caller was said to have told Pizzurro that Quinn had conspired with officials to profit from government projects that were doomed from the start and that P&ID was one of at least three such lawsuits involving Quinn.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe caller couldn\u2019t provide enough evidence to substantiate his claims, though, and he didn\u2019t contact Pizzurro again,\u201d the Bloomberg report said.<\/p>\n

According to the report, Quinn who grew up in Drimnagh, a tough neighborhood in Dublin, trained as a mechanic after leaving school as a teenager in the 1950s. He later joined a show band, Royal Olympics, formed by one of his neighbours, as manager, and even arranged an Irish tour by Diana Ross and the Supremes.<\/p>\n

In search of greener pastures where quick money could be made, the report said \u201cAt some point in the \u201970s he started working in Nigeria, either as an oil trader or a financier of cement deals, depending on which of the scattered accounts of his life you believe. \u201cHe began profiting from a construction boom taking place in Lagos, which was then expanding with such chaotic abandon that hundreds of cement-bearing cargo ships were lined up at port waiting to dock.\u201d<\/p>\n

He however kept in touch with his roots in Ireland.<\/p>\n

Detailing how Quinn\u2019s life had been enmeshed in controversies bordering on less than transparent business dealings and corruption allegations, the report said: \u201cIn 1979 he and a partner, Brendan Cahill, formed an umbrella company with the resolutely dull name Industrial Consultants (International) to oversee their interests. They began working with the government, for example getting a public grant worth $450,000 to start a videocassette factory near Dublin. The project went bust within two years.<\/p>\n

\u201cQuinn\u2019s business drew on some powerful allies dating to his show band days. One of the closest was Albert Reynolds, a former music hall impresario who was elected to Parliament in 1977 and became prime minister in 1992. Two years after being elected PM, Reynolds was promoting Kent Steel, one of Quinn\u2019s companies, as a potential savior of Irish industry. Kent had recently won 3 million Irish pounds (about $4.3 million at the time) from the European Union to explore cleaner technology for making steel\u2014potentially a huge boon. Instead, the project produced nothing but some sketches and a bunch of debris.<\/p>\n

\u201dJoe McCartin, then a member of the European Parliament, says he raised concerns with an EU official that the deal was a scam and was told, \u2018Don\u2019t worry. Your prime minister, Albert Reynolds, knows all about the project.\u2019 The EU did eventually start a probe into the grant, and McCartin, who\u2019s now retired, says its investigators showed him a letter from Irish prosecutors relaying that a fraud had been committed but that they couldn\u2019t identify the perpetrators. The probe was eventually closed without penalty; the EU refused to fulfill a freedom of information request about the case, citing privacy rules. Reynolds passed away in 2014.<\/p>\n

\u201cQuinn\u2019s name came up again during a nationwide corruption inquiry in Ireland. The Mahon Tribunal, as it was eventually known, lasted for 14 years, compiling evidence of graft on an epic scale. Quinn was called as a witness in June 2007, one of the few times he ever spoke on the record. The tribunal wanted to know more about relationships Industrial Consultants had with Frank Dunlop, a shady lobbyist, and Liam Lawlor, a corrupt Republican MP who\u2019d resigned in disgrace before being killed in a 2005 car crash outside Moscow.<\/p>\n

\u201cQuinn denied knowledge of invoices that bore his company\u2019s name\u2014payments for golf fundraisers, he guessed\u2014and said he thought his signature had been forged on checks. He had no recollection of many of his dealings with Dunlop. \u2018You are a singularly unhelpful witness,\u2019 Alan Mahon, the presiding judge, told him. \u2018What you are telling us is nothing, absolutely nothing.\u2019 \u201cThe tribunal later found that tens of thousands of pounds had flowed from Quinn\u2019s companies to Lawlor, but Quinn wasn\u2019t recalled to the stand, and neither he nor Industrial Consultants faced any action.<\/p>\n

\u201d<\/em>By then, Quinn had developed a fearsome reputation. Several former associates told Businessweek they were scared to speak on the record about him, because they believed he had ties to Irish paramilitaries; one said Quinn told him his father had been in the original Irish Republican Army in the 1920s. Employees introduced him as \u201cthe chairman,\u201d and he employed a man with a pugilist\u2019s squashed nose to drive guests around Dublin, apparently without great regard for red lights,\u201d the report said.<\/p>\n

According to Bloomberg, throughout the 2000s, Quinn lived a kind of double life, divided between Nigeria and a comfortable suburban house near Dublin.<\/p>\n

The report said Quinn befriended people in the corridors of power to put him in good stead in the country\u2019s freewheeling capitalism.<\/p>

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Advertisement<\/div>\r\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/a>\r\n \r\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n

\u201cAt home he was Mick from Drimnagh, living with his wife, Anita, who\u2019d been his childhood sweetheart, and their two Doberman pinschers. On Tuesday nights he\u2019d drop Anita off at bingo, then pick up fish and chips for dinner.<\/p>\n

\u201cLife in Nigeria was very different. The country\u2019s freewheeling capitalism was fraught with risk and opportunity. The writer Chinua Achebe detailed the climate in his 1983 polemic The Trouble With Nigeria. \u201cContracts with the military government were currency, doled out by senior politicians to allies and friends as the public bore the burden of hidden kickbacks, inflated prices, and stolen materials. Military rule ended in 1999, but democratic Nigeria was proving just as restive and complex. There were tribal uprisings in the Niger Delta and kidnappings and religious conflict elsewhere.<\/p>\n

\u201cQuinn nevertheless thrived, befriending presidents and civil servants alike. He and Cahill used a company called Marshpearl to bid for lucrative military contracts, initially registering the name in Ireland, then in 1999 using the Panama-based law firm Mossack Fonseca & Co. to create Marshpearl Ltd. in the British Virgin Islands. To the outside world, the BVI company was practically untraceable. Mossack Fonseca documents leaked to the newspaper S\u00fcddeutsche Zeitung and made available to Businessweek by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists show that Marshpearl Ltd.\u2019s directors were nominees, paper executives whose sole job was to sign documents. (Reached by phone, one of them, Nigel John Carter, a Geneva-based trusts specialist who was also a director of another Quinn BVI vehicle called Kristholm Ltd., said, \u201cI\u2019ve never heard of those two companies.\u201d)<\/p>\n

\u201cMarshpearl sponsored a local polo team, giving Quinn an excuse to mix with the Nigerian ruling classes. His sons attended elite private schools with the sons of politicians and generals, who asked Quinn to help them acquire helicopters, Japanese motorcycles, and more. On the golf course back in Ireland, friends recall, Quinn would pick up the phone to talk to various officials or military leaders. \u201cDid you get them guns?\u201d one friend remembers him asking in his distinctive Drimnagh drawl. His golf buddies were never sure if he was joking. \u201cHis contacts included Theophilus Danjuma, who\u2019d risen to prominence in the \u201960s by leading a bloody coup against Nigeria\u2019s military ruler. Danjuma went on to become a general, then entered business and eventually politics, ascending to defense minister in 1999. He later sold a stake in a Nigerian oil field to a Chinese state company, helping make him a billionaire.<\/p>\n

\u201cOne of the few people who would speak on the record about Quinn\u2019s life in Nigeria is Neil Murray, a friend of 30 years who was involved in several Quinn projects there. Sitting one night at the Abuja Hilton piano bar, a favorite haunt, Murray wasn\u2019t hard to spot: a gray-haired figure so hunched over he was bent almost double, puffing cigarettes and chatting with businessmen and prostitutes, who called him Papa. After initially accusing a Businessweek reporter of being a spy for the Nigerian government, he agreed to talk. \u201cMick knew Obasanjo. He knew Yar\u2019Adua,\u201d Murray said, referring to former presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and Umaru Musa Yar\u2019Adua. \u201cHe knew everyone.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cAmong the projects Murray was involved in was a contract to repair and upgrade 36 British-made Scorpion tanks at an abandoned plant at Bauchi, in the dusty heart of Nigeria. It had all the hallmarks of Quinn\u2019s deals in the country: complexity, misdirection, and a substantial payday for the middleman. \u201cThere was a subsequent contract, and a subsequent contract, and a subsequent contract,\u201d Murray said. \u201cIt was an ongoing process.\u201d Quinn personally recruited military experts to manage the work and find replacement parts. At one point, Danjuma visited the site.<\/p>\n

\u201cSeveral people involved in the venture described each vehicle as an opportunity for profit. Petrol engines were replaced with diesel engines. New radios were installed. When faulty valves needed replacing, one former employee said, he found a British supplier for a few pounds a unit. \u201cToo cheap,\u201d he remembered Quinn telling him. They found costlier valves elsewhere. The more expensive the new part, the bigger Marshpearl\u2019s cut.<\/p>\n

\u201cA memo viewed by Businessweek that circulated among Quinn\u2019s team noted that Marshpearl had charged the Nigerian army for undelivered tank parts, making his organization \u201cvulnerable.\u201d But the company kept winning contracts, in spite of this hitch and others. It\u2019s not clear how many millions of dollars Nigeria spent on the Bauchi project, but the relationship likely made Quinn a fortune.<\/p>\n

\u201cFor one contract, a spinoff from the main deal, his company sought to supply about 4,000 rounds of tank ammunition made by Belgian defense company Mecar SA. A January 2005 memo outlining Marshpearl\u2019s plan says Quinn\u2019s staff told Mecar they would handle bidding, contracts, and billing. Mecar\u2019s managers \u201cdo not want to know the details as they would be embarrassed with Belgian authorities and U.S. owners,\u201d the memo said.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe blueprint called for Marshpearl to establish a company called Mecar SA, register it in Cyprus, and open a bank account for the new offshore entity to avoid Nigerian taxes on the income. The original Mecar would write up a bid for the contract and send it to Marshpearl, where the document would be scanned and altered to increase its value by 20%\u2014commission for Quinn and his friends. Payment to the original Mecar would be routed through the offshore one. All documentation was to be delivered by hand.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe \u201cpaper trail\u201d was Marshpearl\u2019s greatest area of concern, the memo\u2019s author wrote, without explaining why. Broadly speaking, while offshore companies have legitimate purposes, they\u2019re also favored by those trying to avoid tax or government scrutiny or hide illicit income. In some jurisdictions, secrecy laws make it virtually impossible to find out who owns them. Registering a company with a virtually identical name to a separate, legitimate business would have the effect of further obscuring the real beneficiaries.<\/p>\n

\u201cTo a watchdog or another outside observer, the Mecar arrangement would look like a simple transaction between a respected manufacturer and the army, with the middleman getting its cut. A tender bid document sent by the offshore Mecar to the Ministry of Defense a few months after the memo\u2019s date placed the contract\u2019s ultimate value at \u20ac4.9 million ($5.6 million), meaning Marshpearl would have made almost a million euros.<\/p>\n

\u201cShown the memo at the Hilton bar, Murray said, \u201cVery clever.\u201d He didn\u2019t see anything improper in the deal\u2019s structure but added, \u201cI wasn\u2019t directly involved.\u201d A spokesman for Mecar\u2019s current owner, Nexter Group, said the Marshpearl deal took place before it acquired the company in 2014 and that it complies with rules and regulations.\u201d<\/p>\n

The report also revealed that Quinn was charged with espionage in October 2006 but the charge was dropped within a year.<\/p>\n

\u201cIt\u2019s said that in Nigeria you can go from pauper to millionaire overnight and back again just as quickly. Even old hands could be caught out by a sudden shift in the political climate, as Quinn was in October 2006. That month, he was charged with espionage and handling secret military materials, alongside his son Adam, a close associate from Ireland named James Nolan, three Nigerian officials, and three individuals from Israel, Romania, and Russia. Details are sketchy, but one of the Nigerian officials submitted an affidavit saying the indictment was over a \u201clarge scale of contract scam which involves very senior officers of the Ministry.\u201d Nolan and Adam Quinn didn\u2019t respond to requests from Businessweek for comment, but they denied the charges at the time. The prosecution appears to have been dropped within a year. A defense lawyer involved with the case recalls that the government intervened.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cThat same year, Quinn formed P&ID and began exploring opportunities in gas power. He also branched out into medical technology. In 2006, more people were living with HIV\/AIDS in Nigeria than in any country but South Africa or India. The Nigerian health ministry\u2019s efforts to tackle the crisis included a multimillion-dollar partnership with Dublin-based Trinity Biotech Plc to supply HIV testing kits and help set up a factory at the Sheda Science & Technology Complex, which was being constructed outside Abuja. The contract for the factory went to an entity called Trinitron, which local media assumed was a subsidiary of the similarly named Irish company. In fact, it had no formal connection to Trinity Biotech of Dublin and was jointly owned by the health ministry and a group of Irish and Nigerian businessmen. Trinitron\u2019s Irish directors included Adam Quinn and James Nolan, according to three people familiar with the deal. Quinn\u2019s firm Industrial Consultants became a shareholder.<\/p>\n

\u201cA few years into the contract, Trinity discovered that Trinitron had registered a company called Trinity Biotech Nigeria domestically and another called Trinity Biotech Joint Venture in the British Virgin Islands. Executives from the original Trinity were furious when they learned of the clones. In 2008 and 2009, they pulled out of the project entirely.<\/p>\n

\u201cTrinity Biotech had no ownership stake in Trinitron or the Sheda project or in any entity or assets within Nigeria,\u201d the Dublin company said in a statement to Businessweek. \u201cOur role in the project was the provision of HIV test kits, which we did, although we were left with a significant unpaid debt when the project ended.\u201d Eventually, government funding dried up, and, according to two sources, Trinitron was reported to local police for allegedly misspending state funds, though no one was charged.<\/p>\n

\u201cGerry Nash, Trinitron\u2019s former project director, said in a statement that test kit production at the factory in Nigeria hadn\u2019t progressed because the health ministry wouldn\u2019t buy the kits locally. \u2018People in the Nigerian Ministries were more interested in picking up commissions on imported products,\u2019 he wrote. He said that Trinitron had succeeded in developing an IT system and in training HIV specialists, and he denied that the venture was a failure overall, even though the Sheda factory wound down after a few years.<\/p>\n

\u201cToday, the Sheda site outside Abuja is overgrown with weeds. A pockmarked sign outside the front gate attests that Trinitron once operated there, but none of the buildings look functional. Gravel piles dot the parking lots. The handful of bored security guards and administrative staff on-site say only that Trinitron is no longer there.<\/p>\n

\u201cWhen it wasn\u2019t possible to squeeze profit directly from a floundering project, Quinn could enlist the law for the purpose. In 2010, Industrial Consultants brokered a $5 million deal with the Nigerian Air Force to repair ejector seats in six Alpha Jets, small fighter craft often used to train pilots. A British company called North Wales Military Aviation Services Ltd. would do the fixing.<\/p>\n

A few months into the contract, the air force terminated it for no apparent reason. The ensuing dispute ended up before a Nigerian arbitration panel, which found that the military had pulled out for \u2018flimsy, untenable, and unacceptable reasons.\u2019 It awarded NWMAS about $2.3 million for work allegedly done, plus interest, according to a copy of the private judgment seen by Businessweek.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe case was straightforward enough, apart from one detail: NWMAS didn\u2019t know about any of it. In a statement, the company said its executives had hosted Nigerian officials but never got word it had won the job. Instead, a few months after the visit, it received a letter saying the air force was suing for nonperformance. NWMAS managers forwarded the letter to Quinn\u2019s team and heard nothing further on the matter until being contacted by Businessweek earlier this year.<\/p>\n

\u201cIf NWMAS didn\u2019t participate in the lawsuit, who did? Individuals from the Quinn organization. Long before the ejector seat contract was finalized, unbeknownst to the original company, Quinn\u2019s team had registered a local entity called NWMAS Nigeria Ltd.\u2014another clone.<\/p>\n

Murray testified at the arbitration on behalf of NWMAS. \u201cThey never f\u2014king paid,\u201d he told Businessweek, referring to the Nigerian air force. He said the British NWMAS had been fully aware of the case and that NWMAS Nigeria had been created to comply with local regulations.<\/p>\n

\u201cQuinn\u2019s organization apparently had trouble collecting the award. In 2013, Cahill sent a message to colleagues about the struggle to enforce the judgment in Nigeria\u2019s chaotic courts. \u201cThe moral of the story is that ideally the \u2018seat\u2019 of arbitration should be outside of Nigeria and preferably in London,\u201d he wrote.<\/p>\n

\u201cQuinn and Cahill already had a stake in at least two lawsuits against Nigeria before the British courts. One of the cases relates to IPCO (Nigeria) Ltd., formerly part of Singapore-based construction group IPCO International Ltd. The parent company sold most of its stake in 2003, leaving behind a shell company whose sole activity seems to have been to engage in lawsuits\u2014notably a $150 million case against the Nigerian petroleum ministry over delays to the construction of an oil terminal. There were familiar allegations of overcharging, and the suit went all the way to the U.K. Supreme Court before being settled on confidential terms last year. How much IPCO Nigeria\u2019s owners received and who benefited remains a mystery. You won\u2019t find Quinn\u2019s or Cahill\u2019s name in the countless claims, counterclaims, and rulings produced since the case began more than a decade ago, but according to three people familiar with Cahill\u2019s role, he helped manage the U.K. lawsuit for IPCO Nigeria in return for a share of the proceeds. The company\u2019s director, Olu Adewunmi, declined to comment on whether Cahill was involved in the lawsuit.\u201d<\/p>\n

Photo Caption: From Left–Mick Quinn (left) with Fran Hurley, Finbar Furey, Red Hurley, Anita Quinn (Mick’s wife) Terry Wogan and Dave Pennefather in Terry Wogan’s back garden. (credit: Independent)<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Michael \u201cMick\u201d Quinn, founder of Process and Industrial Developments Ltd \u2013 an Irish firm which secured a $9.6 billion judgement debt against Nigeria, had a history of projects that ended in disappointment, lawsuits, and corruption allegations, a Bloomberg report has revealed.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":6,"featured_media":34384,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[23,1593,17,624],"tags":[6100,5603],"coauthors":[2391],"class_list":["post-34383","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","","category-business","category-metro","category-news","category-politics","tag-michael-mick-quinn","tag-pid"],"yoast_head":"\nFounder Of P&ID Had History Of Projects That Ended In Lawsuits, Corruption Allegations, Bloomberg Report Reveals - National Wire<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/nationalwire.com.ng\/sub\/founder-of-pid-had-history-of-projects-that-ended-in-lawsuits-corruption-allegations-bloomberg-report-reveals\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Founder Of P&ID Had History Of Projects That Ended In Lawsuits, Corruption Allegations, Bloomberg Report Reveals - National Wire\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Michael \u201cMick\u201d Quinn, founder of Process and Industrial Developments Ltd \u2013 an Irish firm which secured a $9.6 billion judgement debt against Nigeria, had a history of projects that ended in disappointment, lawsuits, and corruption allegations, a Bloomberg report has revealed.\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/nationalwire.com.ng\/sub\/founder-of-pid-had-history-of-projects-that-ended-in-lawsuits-corruption-allegations-bloomberg-report-reveals\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"National Wire\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2019-09-04T12:31:35+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/nationalwire.com.ng\/sub\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/09\/9e3af65f-mick-quinn-left-696x385.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"696\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"385\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Friday Ekeoba\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"19 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/nationalwire.com.ng\/sub\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/nationalwire.com.ng\/sub\/\",\"name\":\"National Wire\",\"description\":\"About Nigerians, Nigerian Business and Other Stories\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\/\/nationalwire.com.ng\/sub\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":\"required name=search_term_string\"}],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"},{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/nationalwire.com.ng\/sub\/founder-of-pid-had-history-of-projects-that-ended-in-lawsuits-corruption-allegations-bloomberg-report-reveals\/#primaryimage\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/nationalwire.com.ng\/sub\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/09\/9e3af65f-mick-quinn-left-696x385.jpg\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\/\/nationalwire.com.ng\/sub\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/09\/9e3af65f-mick-quinn-left-696x385.jpg\",\"width\":696,\"height\":385,\"caption\":\"Mick Quinn (left) with Fran Hurley, Finbar Furey, Red Hurley, Anita Quinn (Mick's wife) Terry Wogan and Dave Pennefather in Terry Wogan's back garden. 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